The situation in the country has exacerbated to the point now it started threatening the social fabric and national sovereignty, which we and the national forces of democratic opposition sought to avoid compromising.

However, the authority neglected the social fabric and national sovereignty and placed them in the field of conflict to reaffirm the situation we have faced since the beginning: "either the authority or anarchy."

The authority is the primary party responsible for what has become of our country.  Even if we were to accept the claims of a foreign conspiracy, it has failed utterly to address this alleged conspiracy and proved not to be capable of crisis management or leadership of the country.  It became unable to protect the citizens and care for them and certainly unable at all to promote national reconciliation to rescue the country from the abyss that it has descended into.

With great regret some of the opposition parties have consented to this option, the option of "the authority or anarchy."  Chaos has been chosen with the assistance of regional and international countries who are not concerned with the interests of the Syrian people, in contrast to their claims and what they declare day and night.

Thus, Syrians are made to face two catastrophic options.  The first option, which is based on the slogan promoted by the authority, is "Assad or We'll Burn the Country." On the opposite side the second option based on the slogan adopted by some opposition parties through words and actions: "Burn the Country Until Assad Falls."

Such slogans, and the orientations of those who launch them, have dragged the country to:

• Situations of civil strife, the threat of civil war at large, at multiple levels.

• Displacement of hundreds of thousands of Syrians from their homes, inside and outside the country, to become homeless in every sense of the word.

• The needs of some two million Syrians for humanitarian aid: food, meals, drinking water, and other humanitarian needs.

• The continued detention of thousands of protesters, political activists, and peaceful civilians.  And the disappearance of a large number of them, who are classified as missing.

• The migration of human resources, private capital, most middle class, and the brain drain of the youth out of the country.

• The escalation of armed conflict that has become the master of the situation, where it kills about 150 Syrians a day.  These are Syrians and we do not view them under any other light, but as Syrian citizens, regardless of their political affiliations.

• The growing phenomena of terrorism and sabotage which could threaten the security and stability of the country for a long time to come.

• The internationalization of the Syrian crisis, with several international parties in control over the situation more so than any Syrian party, including the authority.  This threatens an enduring Syrian crisis, subject to and at the mercy of international disputes and consensus.

• A number of Syrians have been killed because of international differences, such as the participation or non-participation of Iran in international committees formed to consider the Syrian crisis.

• The formation of several international references imposing decisions on the Syrian situation.  All of these references coexist with each other but do not answer to each other.  We have the Arab League and the Ministerial Committee emanating from it; and we have the United Nations and the task of Kofi Annan designated by a decision of the Security Council; and recently we have the contact group invited by Mr. Kofi Annan, set up at the Geneva meeting.  These international references are very likely to increase in number.

• Crystallization of international competition, which was clearly referred to by Mr. Kofi Annan, a few days ago, when he said, "Syria is the biggest loser in the devastating competition between Russia and Western countries," and added: Some states that claim to support his mission and the decision of the Security Council operate individually and collectively in violation of it, especially at the level of support for resorting to arms.

• Living conditions in the country that have pushed dozens of families every day below the poverty line.

• The economic situation that is about to collapse.

Silence cannot be tolerated from anyone under the circumstances for any reason; there is no room for silence or confusion.  Time is running out and options are narrowing.  It is impossible to return to the way the country was run by a one-party monopoly over power, ruling the country in an autocratic manner.

As Syrians we have two choices only: either simply remain silent and accept the status of the victim helpless in the face of ultra-violence by all parties, while they take the country to chaos, destruction, and civil war with multiple characteristics and on multiple levels; or rise now and take the lead in moving the country into a just, democratic system able to protect the homeland and its people and satisfy its citizens.

We still have a chance; perhaps it is the last chance to save our homeland Syria.  This chance is the mission of Mr. Kofi Annan, which cannot be successful unless we strive for its success.  Mr. Annan is not the savior.  He needs organizations, political and civil groups within the country, to take shape in these very difficult circumstances and to collaborate in the resurrection of and the making of the future Syria.

Hence, we have decided today to become a loud voice calling for all Syrians, inviting and appealing to all political forces, civil groups, youth groups, and public figures at home and abroad who are working on radically changing the system of government by the adoption of all peaceful means.  We invite them all to hold a conference on "Saving the Syrian Homeland" in Damascus on Saturday 28/7/2012, to join forces, at this critical moment in history, in the face of all the risks and challenges, and to launch political and civil action to rescue the Syrian homeland, from the threats and possibilities of collapse.

This conference will have to work out clear, specific programs and road maps addressing what those attending see as the risks and challenges facing the future of our country; starting with how the transfer of power will take place in a safe way, governed by the will of the Syrian people alone, through to a transition phase, satisfactory to all the Syrians, involving all parties; and last but not least, establishing the mechanisms for returning the displaced people to their homes and the reconstruction of their areas.

Damascus, 12/7/2012